A true story of Haroon Rashid | by Mushahid Ullah Khan
These columns were published in Daily Jang dated 16th July and 18th July, 2011
Thursday, May 30, 2013
Who is this Mian Nawaz Sharif
Who is this Mian Nawaz Sharif
This column was published in Express dated May 28, 2013
Wednesday, May 29, 2013
Metro bus service | An article by Khushnood Ali Khan
Metro bus service | An article by Khushnood Ali Khan
This article was published in daily Jinnah dated Feb 11, 2013
Tuesday, May 28, 2013
Times of India report on Takbeer Day, Pakistan
Nawaz Sharif’s party to commemorate nuke tests anniversary
This article was published on May 28, 2013 .http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/pakistan/Nawaz-Sharifs-party-to-commemorate-nuke-tests-anniversary/articleshow/20299874.cms
Monday, May 27, 2013
Chinese News paper report
Chinese newspaper report about Nawaz Sharif
This news report was published in Xinhua News, Chinahttp://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2013-05/27/c_132409613.htm
Sunday, May 26, 2013
Los Angeles Times | Nawaz Sharif govt. and PAK-IND Relationship
Nawaz Sharif may give Pakistan-India relations a boost
The article was published in The Los Angeles Times, dated May 25, 2013
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-pakistan-nawaz-india-20130526,0,57504.story
Mian Nawaz Sharif | Debt of fortune
Mian Nawaz Sharif | Debt of fortune
This column is written by Zahida Hina and was published in the Express, dated May 26, 2013
Saturday, May 25, 2013
BBC report on Mian Nawaz Sharif and Pak Army relationship
Can Nawaz Sharif walk the military tightrope?
This article was published on May 24, 2013. The URL to the original article is given below.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-22593285
Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan Democracy, and Journalist Murders
Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan Democracy, and Journalist Murders
This article was published in the Huffington post dated May 23, 2013.
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/committee-to-protect-journalists/nawaz-sharif-pakistan-dem_b_3324898.html
A man to Refound Pakistan
Nawaz Sharif | A man to Refound Pakistan
This article is written By Fasih Ahmed and was published in Newsweek dated May 25, 2013.
http://newsweekpakistan.com/a-man-to-refound-pakistan/#comment-413
Thursday, May 23, 2013
Interview | Majid Zahoor
Interview | Majid Zahoor
This Interview was published in weekly Nidai Milat dated May2-8, 2013.
Interview | Naseer Bhutta
Interview | Naseer Bhutta
This interview was published in Weekly Nidai Millat dated 18-24 April 2013.
Aslam Khan on the foul language of Imran Khan
Aslam Khan | On the rude behavior of Imran Khan
This column was published in the Daily Express, dated May 23, 2013
Column | Hamid Mir
Hamid Mir's Column on Nawaz Sharif and Naya Pakistan
This column was published in Daily Jang dated May 23, 2013
Wednesday, May 22, 2013
DNA India reports about Mian Nawaz Sharif plans
DNA India reports about Mian Nawaz Sharif plans
Originally reported on*Posted by : LION - (ADMIN II)
Tuesday, May 21, 2013
Hassan Nisar on PTI behavior
Hassan Nisar on PTI behavior
This Columns was published in Daily Jang, Dated May 21, 2013
*Posted by : LION - (ADMIN II)
Hamid Mir | Establishments Game Plan
Hamid Mir on the Establishment's plan for GE'13
This column was published in Daily Jang, Dated May 20, 2013
*Posted by : LION - (ADMIN II)
Sunday, May 19, 2013
Nawaz Sharif’s first challenge is political stability
Nawaz Sharif’s first challenge is political stability
This article was published in the Gulf NEWS on May18, 2013.
http://gulfnews.com/opinions/columnists/nawaz-sharif-s-first-challenge-is-political-stability-1.1185162
======================================================================
Nawaz Sharif’s first challenge is political stability
He has a track record of robust government action in areas such as infrastructure, but economic growth needs security to endure
The successful completion of Pakistan’s parliamentary elections leading to the emergence of Nawaz Sharif as the country’s next prime minister is a moment worth cherishing. The elections on May 11 took place in the midst of a vulnerable security environment. Surrounded by not just fears of militant attacks but also cases of violence, the election campaign will be remembered for long as one of the bloodiest in Pakistan’s history.
Even the eventual prize of the first transition from one elected government to another without the footprint of the military, though historic in character, cannot ignore the powerful reality of militancy that plagues Pakistan today.
It is therefore hardly surprising Sharif has begun his tenure with promises of tackling militancy as one of his two top priorities, with reinvigorating the economy being the other.
Following the elections, the sanctity of the electoral process has been questioned in parts of Karachi as well as in parts of the populous Punjab province. Since the elections, political parties, notably the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI) led by cricketing legend Imran Khan, have campaigned to raise doubts over the credibility of the electoral process.
These protests have been driven in part by graphic evidence in cases such as that of Fakhr Imam, the former speaker of the lower house of parliament known as the National Assembly. Some of Imam’s supporters have captured graphic video evidence of irregularities in his constituency on the polling day.
Elsewhere too, complaints have emanated from rival politicians including some belonging to Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). The net result of these claims is indeed a concerted push to create the impression that the elections were far from clean.
Post-election protests
Yet, going forward, it would be a folly to ignore the compelling reality of the long-awaited democratic journey that Pakistan has embarked upon. Protests, which squarely play down the sanctity of the polls across the board, are a powerful reminder of Pakistan’s tragic history.
In 1977, politicians opposed to the late prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto launched a series of vigorous street protests shortly after refusing to accept the outcome of elections that year. A failure by the government and the opposition to resolve their differences ultimately provoked an army takeover led by General Zia ul Haq. The general, who promised to remain in power for no more than 90 days, eventually ran Pakistan for 11 long years.
Given that General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, the present army chief, has repeatedly indicated his intent to keep the army out of politics, there is no indication of the army positioning itself to seize power. Yet, for any of the mainstream politicians, the idea of kicking off a prolonged series of protests indeed risks such an intervention, especially if the country eventually becomes paralysed.
In the interest of Pakistan’s future political stability, it is paramount for mainstream political parties led by the country’s newly elected politicians, to converge as quickly as possible to settle their differences. They must keep their eye on the ball by conceding ground wherever necessary in the interest of improving stability. If settling the dispute via fresh polls in a selected few constituencies is the only way forward, so be it.
Responsibility
With elections now out of the way, there is a much bigger task which lies ahead. Acknowledged by Sharif as his top two priorities, Pakistan’s elected politicians need to get down to focusing on these two matters as never before. The responsibility upon the new politicians is all the more in view of recent trends.
The past five years may have seen a democratic government elected in 2008, serve time in office. But at the same time, Pakistan’s outlook has only aggravated thanks to a wide ranging neglect of some of the key challenges faced by the country. Sharif’s victory has been accompanied by a robust increase in share prices on the Karachi Stock Exchange — the main barometer of business confidence.
For many businessmen, Sharif’s victory may well mark the first vital step towards rebuilding confidence in Pakistan’s economy. The next prime minister, to his credit, brings along a track record of overseeing robust government action in areas such as building large infrastructure projects as an essential centre piece for promoting investments. But without political peace returning to Pakistan after the elections, prospects for an economic uptick will just remain a distant dream.
Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.
=================================================================================
Take out the log in your own EYE
Take out the log in your own EYE
http://uraki1.wordpress.com/2013/05/18/shame-and-only-shame/
 |
| Original reply that was later converted into the deleted blog post. The original comment was also compromising my privacy therefore removed and pasted here after necessary amendments (May20,2013) |
Thank you very much for the reply. Here is my reply to each important point mentioned above,
1: The tax assumption is taken just as a bottom line to emphasize the fact that each and very Pakistani citizen must contribute to the national treasury. This tax base is defined by the income and the ratio varies with the amount of annual income. However, i am thankful for the ECP that they have declared a threshold of 0.356 million for the "poor" parliamentarians
2. As now you too believe that the TAX is applicable to those earning 350,000 annually there are a number of PTI MPAs including the future 77 years old YOUTH Parvaiz Khattak earning millions but not paying any tax. YOU FAILED TO DEFEND THEM. The list however is showing another thing you failed to understand earlier in the twitter conversation. Perhaps "Experts" like you need special audio visual aids to understand. Having said that the report mentioned by you inform us the TAX threshold only. It does not count for the contestants investing millions in the election campaign while declaring their income ZERO. Those earning more than 0.35 Millions are also shown for which you failed to defend. You also failed to mention how many contestants are orphans or widow or disables or a nonresident person, which none of them is . It seems like you even did not read that 3 page document carefully or you ignored it (intentionally).
3: There are a number of parliamentarians from PTI KPK that don't even bother to have NTN number. These include your "respectful " MP from NA-35,PK,3982,83,84 and99. I request you to find another document that allows PTI MPAs of not having a valid NTN number. PTI leader Dr. ALVI also pay 0 taxes as evident from his TAX RETURNS. Now please don't say that he gives tax in the form of corporate tax. I am talking about INCOME TAX. Same is the case with Mr. Umar Sarfraz Cheema. For you i mean this is not at all an issue after all this is what you are worshiping since 30th of OCTOBER. Remember you belong to a class that abused Mian Nawaz Sharif of paying 5000 tax continuously for 5 years, while knowing the fact that he was not earning inside Pakistan and his returns were in millions later on.
4: Although from the list given above 9 of the MPAs are earning more than the 0.35 million threshold which otherwise should be a shame for an educated PTI supporter like you. Your complete silence over the top two contenders for a CM KPK slot is an epitome of the shoddy philosophy you are following. Both earning over 1 million, both don't qualify to be claimed as Orphan (less than 25 years age), they can never be a widow unless you try to write dozens of lines to prove them. They aren't non residents. So BOY have a chill pill, the dream team IK has dreamt of is actually a nightmare for this NATION and was rightly rejected.
5: Last but not the least, in your heart you know i am right. I being a researcher and a PhD scholar believes in doing work that reflects truth. Regardless that the graduates of Top NOTCH MONEY BASED Pakistani Universities, like you, like it or not. I stand by my assumptions and information and don't pay a heed to the discombobulated replies !!
Saturday, May 18, 2013
Gallup Pakistan surveys and results of GE13
Aslam Khan's Column on GE13 results
This column was published in the Daily Express dated May 18,2013
Decency of Mian Nawaz Sharif | Shakeel Farroqi
Column | Shakeel Farooqi
This column was published in Daily express dated May 18, 2013
Friday, May 17, 2013
Can Nawaz Sharif steer Pakistan out of crisis?
Can Nawaz Sharif steer Pakistan out of crisis?
Arab news report about the victory of PMLN in general elections 2013. It was published online on May 17, 2013. URL is given below for reference
http://www.arabnews.com/news/451904
Altaf Hassan Qureshi's Analysis on GE'13
Altaf Hassan Qureshi's Analysis on GE'13
Published in Daily Jang dated 17th May, 2013
Gallup Survey results and General Elections 2013 | Irfan Siddiqui
Gallup Survey results and General Elections 2013 | Irfan Siddiqui
This column was published in daily Jang dated May 17, 2013
Thursday, May 16, 2013
Technology helps Pakistan to ‘fairest’ polls
GE'13 | Tech. helps Pakistan to ‘fairest’ polls
Published in Express tribune dated May15, 2013
http://tribune.com.pk/story/549582/technology-helps-pakistan-to-fairest-polls/#comment-1481501
Political Cartoons
Political Cartoons
On Mian Nawaz Sharif meeting with Imran Khan and victory of PMLN. It also has one cartoon on PMLQ. All cartoons are by RAHAT
Political Cartoons on GE13
Political Cartoon on GE13
Political cartoons from India and Pakistan about the victory of PMLN over PTI
The long road ahead | CNN Report on PMLN victory
The long road ahead | CNN Report on PMLN victory
This article was published on May16, 2013. The URL is given belowhttp://edition.cnn.com/2013/05/16/opinion/pakistan-sharif-challenges/
Wednesday, May 15, 2013
Interview of Sartaj Aziz
TIME magazine report on Nawaz Sharif’s Return to Power
Nawaz Sharif’s Return to Power Brings Pakistan’s Challenges in Focus
This article was published in TIME magazine and the URL is given below.
http://world.time.com/2013/05/12/nawaz-sharif-returns-to-power-as-pakistans-newly-elected-prime-minister/
Kargil Issue | Reality explained By Elias Groll
Kargil Issue | Reality explained By Elias Groll
This blog was published in Foreign policy dated May 13, 2013http://blog.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/05/13/the_story_of_how_nawaz_sharif_pulled_back_from_nuclear_war
Foreign Media report on Pakistan polls
Foreign Media report on Pakistan polls
This news report was published in Al-Arabia dated 15 May, 2013.http://english.alarabiya.net/en/News/asia/2013/05/15/Pakistan-polls-may-have-been-fairest-ever-despite-fixing-claims.html
NewYork Times reports the meeting of Mian Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan
The New York Times report on the meeting of Mian Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan
This news report was published dated May14, 2013
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/05/15/world/asia/pakistans-nawaz-sharif-offers-truce-and-flowers-to-rival.html?_r=1&
The Economic Times | A long road ahead for Nawaz Sharif
The Economic Times | A long road ahead for Nawaz Sharif
This news report was published online in The Economic Times India on May15, 2013
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments-analysis/competing-pressures-and-threats-a-long-road-ahead-for-nawaz-sharif/articleshow/20065013.cms
The Indian Express | An astonishing mandate
The Indian Express | An astonishing mandate
This article was published in The Indian Express dated May15, 2013. The original URL is given below.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A traditional base and disillusioned PPP voters can't explain the PML-N's win
The morning after the night before, an air of disbelief hung over much of Pakistan. This, many thought, was supposed to be Imran Khan's moment. His barnstorming campaign in the weeks running up to the election appeared to have shaken up the electorate.
Instead, it was Nawaz Sharif and his Pakistan Muslim League-N who marched to a victory few thought possible. The PML-N has captured a near-majority in the National Assembly, an astonishing success given that no one, not even the PML-N leadership itself, believed anything other than a coalition government was the most likely scenario after May 11.
How did the PML-N do it? First, it appears to have protected its electoral base with a relatively — in Pakistan, the emphasis on relatively can never be overstated — solid and corruption-free stint in Punjab, where the PML-N has controlled the provincial government the past five years. That formidable PML-N base, in a province with 150, including Islamabad, of the country's 272 directly elected MNAs, sets up a challenge by the party every time.
Political machinations and manipulations, particularly by the army-led security establishment, have skewed many an election result in Pakistan over the years, but adjusting for those effects, some fairly reliable conclusions can be drawn. First, since 1993, in an election Benazir Bhutto won to become prime minister for the second time, through to 1997, when Sharif won a second term in a landslide victory with significant establishment support, to 2002, when the N-League was deliberately decimated by Musharraf, to 2008, when Sharif's party surged to a surprise second-place finish overall after he was allowed to return from exile at the last minute, and to last Saturday's triumph, the PML-N and Punjab's love affair has not just proved durable, it is deepening.
Sharif is the Punjabi middle-class poster child: rich beyond imagination, never strayed far from his provincial roots and a good Muslim to boot. Barring some disastrous electoral misjudgement or a catastrophic stint in office, Sharif's PML-N will always get a large chunk of the votes in Punjab.
Second, the electoral misjudgement and catastrophic stint in office of the PPP. Punjab, where the PPP has a declining though still significant vote bank, has been blighted by PPP misrule over the past five years, much like the rest of the country.
An epic energy crisis has left homes and small businesses, the engine of the economy and job creation, without electricity and gas. Inflation soared and remained at unacceptable levels throughout the PPP's term. And the singular obsession of the PPP leadership in Islamabad with completing its term came at the cost of policy formulation and implementation.
Given a choice between sticking with the PPP for ideological reasons — the PPP's vote bank in Punjab is largely poor and beholden to the political awakening Zulfikar Ali Bhutto engineered in the late 1960s and early '70s — and choosing something else, the PPP voter appears to have abandoned his party for Sharif. The switch seems to have been exacerbated by the PPP's inexplicable non-campaign, even in swathes of Punjab where the threat of violence was lower than in the rest of Pakistan.
Third, Imran Khan's message proved to be narrow and shallow, instead of broad and deep as he had hoped and hyped. He promised to change Pakistan and rivet the nation. Khan did do that, but for far too few people.
Perhaps the single most damning indictment of Khan's quest to reach for the electoral stars without the rocket fuel of a strong message is that in one important metric, he and his party got exactly what they had hoped for — a high turnout — and yet failed to get much mileage out of it. A high turnout out was supposed to swing the election decisively towards Khan because Pakistanis were allegedly uninspired by the established political powers and new voters — either young people included in the electoral rolls for the first time or older habitual non-voters — could only be tempted into voting by Khan's rhetoric of change. That logic made so much sense that it will take psephologists and the parties themselves a while to understand why an apparently record turnout swung towards the PML-N instead of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.
The staggering numbers that many PML-N winners racked up on Saturday are too high to be explained simply by a traditional PML-N vote bank buttressed by disillusioned PPP voters. Part of the answer may lie in what appears to be a large number of otherwise silent members of the public who selectively participate in politics when their imagination is fired.
During the movement to restore Chief Justice Chaudhry in 2007-08, this group stood up to be counted. Now, inundated by a tidal wave of media coverage of the election and unimpressed by Khan's message of change, they turned out on May 11 to express their preference of leader. This was for Sharif. Everyone outside the PML-N will have to go back to the drawing board to figure out why, and how to change that the next time round.
The writer is an Islamabad-based assistant editor with 'Dawn'
express@expressindia.com
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A traditional base and disillusioned PPP voters can't explain the PML-N's win
The morning after the night before, an air of disbelief hung over
much of Pakistan. This, many thought, was supposed to be Imran Khan's
moment. His barnstorming campaign in the weeks running up to the
election appeared to have shaken up the electorate.
Instead, it was Nawaz Sharif and his Pakistan Muslim League-N who marched to a victory few thought possible. The PML-N has captured a near-majority in the National Assembly, an astonishing success given that no one, not even the PML-N leadership itself, believed anything other than a coalition government was the most likely scenario after May 11.
How did the PML-N do it? First, it appears to have protected its electoral base with a relatively — in Pakistan, the emphasis on relatively can never be overstated — solid and corruption-free stint in Punjab, where the PML-N has controlled the provincial government the past five years. That formidable PML-N base, in a province with 150, including Islamabad, of the country's 272 directly elected MNAs, sets up a challenge by the party every time.
Political machinations and manipulations, particularly by the army-led security establishment, have skewed many an election result in Pakistan over the years, but adjusting for those effects, some fairly reliable conclusions can be drawn. First, since 1993, in an election Benazir Bhutto won to become prime minister for the second time, through to 1997, when Sharif won a second term in a landslide victory with significant establishment support, to 2002, when the N-League was deliberately decimated by Musharraf, to 2008, when Sharif's party surged to a surprise second-place finish overall after he was allowed to return from exile at the last minute, and to last Saturday's triumph, the PML-N and Punjab's love affair has not just proved durable, it is deepening.
Sharif is the Punjabi middle-class poster child: rich beyond imagination, never strayed far from his provincial roots and a good Muslim to boot. Barring some disastrous electoral misjudgement or a catastrophic stint in office, Sharif's PML-N will always get a large chunk of the votes in Punjab.
Second, the electoral misjudgement and catastrophic stint in office of the PPP. Punjab, where the PPP has a declining though still significant vote bank, has been blighted by PPP misrule over the past five years, much like the rest of the country.
An epic energy crisis has left homes and small businesses, the engine of the economy and job creation, without electricity and gas. Inflation soared and remained at unacceptable levels throughout the PPP's term. And the singular obsession of the PPP leadership in Islamabad with completing its term came at the cost of policy formulation and implementation.
Given a choice between sticking with the PPP for ideological reasons — the PPP's vote bank in Punjab is largely poor and beholden to the political awakening Zulfikar Ali Bhutto engineered in the late 1960s and early '70s — and choosing something else, the PPP voter appears to have abandoned his party for Sharif. The switch seems to have been exacerbated by the PPP's inexplicable non-campaign, even in swathes of Punjab where the threat of violence was lower than in the rest of Pakistan.
Third, Imran Khan's message proved to be narrow and shallow, instead of broad and deep as he had hoped and hyped. He promised to change Pakistan and rivet the nation. Khan did do that, but for far too few people.
Perhaps the single most damning indictment of Khan's quest to reach for the electoral stars without the rocket fuel of a strong message is that in one important metric, he and his party got exactly what they had hoped for — a high turnout — and yet failed to get much mileage out of it. A high turnout out was supposed to swing the election decisively towards Khan because Pakistanis were allegedly uninspired by the established political powers and new voters — either young people included in the electoral rolls for the first time or older habitual non-voters — could only be tempted into voting by Khan's rhetoric of change. That logic made so much sense that it will take psephologists and the parties themselves a while to understand why an apparently record turnout swung towards the PML-N instead of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.
The staggering numbers that many PML-N winners racked up on Saturday are too high to be explained simply by a traditional PML-N vote bank buttressed by disillusioned PPP voters. Part of the answer may lie in what appears to be a large number of otherwise silent members of the public who selectively participate in politics when their imagination is fired.
During the movement to restore Chief Justice Chaudhry in 2007-08, this group stood up to be counted. Now, inundated by a tidal wave of media coverage of the election and unimpressed by Khan's message of change, they turned out on May 11 to express their preference of leader. This was for Sharif. Everyone outside the PML-N will have to go back to the drawing board to figure out why, and how to change that the next time round.
The writer is an Islamabad-based assistant editor with 'Dawn'
express@expressindia.com
- See more at: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/an-astonishing-mandate/1115955/0#sthash.C8xy8yd0.dpuf
Instead, it was Nawaz Sharif and his Pakistan Muslim League-N who marched to a victory few thought possible. The PML-N has captured a near-majority in the National Assembly, an astonishing success given that no one, not even the PML-N leadership itself, believed anything other than a coalition government was the most likely scenario after May 11.
How did the PML-N do it? First, it appears to have protected its electoral base with a relatively — in Pakistan, the emphasis on relatively can never be overstated — solid and corruption-free stint in Punjab, where the PML-N has controlled the provincial government the past five years. That formidable PML-N base, in a province with 150, including Islamabad, of the country's 272 directly elected MNAs, sets up a challenge by the party every time.
Political machinations and manipulations, particularly by the army-led security establishment, have skewed many an election result in Pakistan over the years, but adjusting for those effects, some fairly reliable conclusions can be drawn. First, since 1993, in an election Benazir Bhutto won to become prime minister for the second time, through to 1997, when Sharif won a second term in a landslide victory with significant establishment support, to 2002, when the N-League was deliberately decimated by Musharraf, to 2008, when Sharif's party surged to a surprise second-place finish overall after he was allowed to return from exile at the last minute, and to last Saturday's triumph, the PML-N and Punjab's love affair has not just proved durable, it is deepening.
Sharif is the Punjabi middle-class poster child: rich beyond imagination, never strayed far from his provincial roots and a good Muslim to boot. Barring some disastrous electoral misjudgement or a catastrophic stint in office, Sharif's PML-N will always get a large chunk of the votes in Punjab.
Second, the electoral misjudgement and catastrophic stint in office of the PPP. Punjab, where the PPP has a declining though still significant vote bank, has been blighted by PPP misrule over the past five years, much like the rest of the country.
An epic energy crisis has left homes and small businesses, the engine of the economy and job creation, without electricity and gas. Inflation soared and remained at unacceptable levels throughout the PPP's term. And the singular obsession of the PPP leadership in Islamabad with completing its term came at the cost of policy formulation and implementation.
Given a choice between sticking with the PPP for ideological reasons — the PPP's vote bank in Punjab is largely poor and beholden to the political awakening Zulfikar Ali Bhutto engineered in the late 1960s and early '70s — and choosing something else, the PPP voter appears to have abandoned his party for Sharif. The switch seems to have been exacerbated by the PPP's inexplicable non-campaign, even in swathes of Punjab where the threat of violence was lower than in the rest of Pakistan.
Third, Imran Khan's message proved to be narrow and shallow, instead of broad and deep as he had hoped and hyped. He promised to change Pakistan and rivet the nation. Khan did do that, but for far too few people.
Perhaps the single most damning indictment of Khan's quest to reach for the electoral stars without the rocket fuel of a strong message is that in one important metric, he and his party got exactly what they had hoped for — a high turnout — and yet failed to get much mileage out of it. A high turnout out was supposed to swing the election decisively towards Khan because Pakistanis were allegedly uninspired by the established political powers and new voters — either young people included in the electoral rolls for the first time or older habitual non-voters — could only be tempted into voting by Khan's rhetoric of change. That logic made so much sense that it will take psephologists and the parties themselves a while to understand why an apparently record turnout swung towards the PML-N instead of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.
The staggering numbers that many PML-N winners racked up on Saturday are too high to be explained simply by a traditional PML-N vote bank buttressed by disillusioned PPP voters. Part of the answer may lie in what appears to be a large number of otherwise silent members of the public who selectively participate in politics when their imagination is fired.
During the movement to restore Chief Justice Chaudhry in 2007-08, this group stood up to be counted. Now, inundated by a tidal wave of media coverage of the election and unimpressed by Khan's message of change, they turned out on May 11 to express their preference of leader. This was for Sharif. Everyone outside the PML-N will have to go back to the drawing board to figure out why, and how to change that the next time round.
The writer is an Islamabad-based assistant editor with 'Dawn'
express@expressindia.com
- See more at: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/an-astonishing-mandate/1115955/0#sthash.C8xy8yd0.dpuf